The House convened on Tuesday, but like many travelers across the country this summer, my flight was delayed, so I did not arrive in time for Tuesday’s votes. The House took up several bills under suspension of the rules that addressed telecommunications, workforce development, international crime, and foreign affairs. I worked on some of these bills when they were considered in our Energy & Commerce Communications and Technology Subcommittee, and would have voted for them had I landed in time:
- The NTIA Policy and Cybersecurity Coordination Act, H.R. 1345, establishes a new office at the National Telecommunications and Information Administration (NTIA) to develop and implement cybersecurity and privacy policies in the internet and technology sectors.
- The Launch Communications Act, H.R. 682, requires the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) to permit access to specified broadband spectrum frequencies for commercial space launches and reentries.
- The Securing the U.S. Organ Procurement and Transplantation Network Act, H.R. 2544, allows the Health Resources and Services Administration to make the National Organ Procurement and Transplantation Network more efficient and effective, ensuring viable organs do not go to waste and promoting high quality health care for individuals on the organ transplant list.
- The Securing Semiconductor Supply Chains Act of 2023, H.R. 752, requires the Department of Commerce to coordinate with state-level economic development organizations to increase foreign direct investment in semiconductor-related manufacturing and production.
All of these bills passed the House by voice vote. One of the bills that the Energy & Commerce Committee sent to the House floor ultimately failed to pass: the Satellite and Telecommunications Streamlining Act, H.R. 1338, a bipartisan effort to update how the FCC licenses satellites. The satellite industry is developing quickly and holds promise in closing the digital divide, promoting precision agriculture, and providing faster emergency services, but because of disagreements on the House floor about the expanded jurisdiction this bill gives the FCC, the bill ultimately failed.
The House also passed several bills on global affairs by voice vote. The Stop Chinese Fentanyl Act of 2023, H.R. 3203, amends the Fentanyl Sanctions Act by updating the definition of foreign opioid trafficker to include certain Chinese entities and government officials that fail to take steps to prevent opioid trafficking. The Haiti Criminal Collusion Transparency Act of 2023, H.R. 1684, requires an annual report to Congress on the ties between criminal gangs and political and economic elites in Haiti, and imposes sanctions on those involved in criminal activities. The Taiwan International Solidarity Act, H.R. 1176, to reaffirm that the United States will oppose the People’s Republic of China’s efforts to exclude Taiwan from participating in international organizations.
The House voted almost unanimously to pass the Protecting and Securing Chemical Facilities from Terrorist Attacks Act of 2023, H.R. 4470, to extend the Chemical Facility Anti-Terrorism Standards authority to ensure regulatory standards are reauthorized. And this week the House also passed the U.S. Supply Chain Security Review Act of 2023, H.R. 3395, by voice vote. It requires the Federal Maritime Commission to assess the potential economic security risks of foreign ownership of marine terminals at the 15 largest U.S. container ports, which includes the Port of Houston!
On Thursday, the House passed by voice vote the Unmanned Aerial Security (UAS) Act, H.R. 1501, which prohibits the U.S. Department of Homeland Security from operating, financing, or procuring UAS systems that are manufactured in certain foreign countries or by certain foreign-owned companies, and the First Responder Access to Innovative Technologies Act, H.R. 3254, directs the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) to implement a uniform review process for certain anti-terrorism grants to purchase first responder equipment or systems that do not meet or exceed any applicable national voluntary consensus standards.
Unfortunately, the balance of the week reflected concerning developments in the congressional appropriations process that you should know about.
Congressional Appropriations
As I mentioned in my last email, we expected the House to take up two of the twelve annual appropriations bill this week, and consider the rest in September. On Wednesday, the House began consideration the Military Construction, Veterans Affairs, and Related Agencies Appropriations Act for Fiscal Year 2024, H.R. 4366, and amendments to it. On Thursday afternoon, House members received notice that we would not take up the Agriculture, Rural Development, Food and Drug Administration, and Related Agencies Appropriations Act, 2024 that we also expected to debate this week.
While I do not serve on the Appropriations Committee, I am involved in the process, supporting the priorities and projects of our district in various ways, and working with my colleagues on the committee to ensure our priorities are reflected in these annual spending bills. This year’s process and product have become extremely partisan.
As I have shared before, in June, President Biden signed into law the Fiscal Responsibility Act of 2023 (FRA), a bipartisan budget agreement that many of you supported and that I voted for, which was intended to be a compromise to avert an unprecedented default on the United States’ obligations, and to set discretionary spending levels for Fiscal Years 2024 and 2025 to facilitate an orderly, bipartisan, and bicameral appropriations process. Instead of following the agreement and working in a bipartisan fashion to enact appropriation legislation, the Appropriations Committee has undercut the bipartisan agreement, reducing agreed-to spending amounts from the levels enacted into law in June, making cuts to critical domestic investments. Through these cuts, House Republicans are also trying to repeal landmark legislative accomplishments of the last Congress. These are real cuts that would have immediate effect to the detriment of critical programs and the constituents that rely on them. In addition, these bills include divisive and unnecessary provisions banning diversity, equity, and inclusion initiatives, targeting the LGTBQI+ community, undermining protections for persons with disabilities, and focusing on issues like gender-affirming care, drag shows, abortion access, and other topics unrelated to the substance of the bills. I share this with you because I have deep concerns about what will happen in this process as we move forward.
The Military Construction, Veterans Affairs, and Related Agencies Appropriations Act for Fiscal Year 2024 we considered this week reflects the challenges ahead. The bill cuts critical funding for military construction projects and essential funding for servicemembers, veterans, and their families. Among its provisions, the bill cuts critical funding for military construction projects by more than $1.5 billion; cuts $200 million in dedicated funding for PFAS remediation and cleanup; cuts funding for military installation climate change and resilience projects; and overturns a Department of Veterans Affairs rule that allows service members, veterans, and their family members to access abortion care in cases of rape, incest, and in cases of danger to the life or health of pregnant women. Before the bill came to the floor, I co-sponsored two Democratic amendments to strike provisions that would prohibit abortion access, prohibit funding for gender-affirming care, ban pride flags at VA facilities, and allow for religious discrimination, but the majority chose not bring those amendments to the floor for a vote.
This legislation politicizes rather than addresses the real needs of our servicemembers and veterans. They have fought and sacrificed for our freedom, and as lawmakers, we must protect theirs. For these reasons, I voted no on this bill.
Final Votes
To conclude the week, the House considered two resolutions to overturn rules put forward by the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service. The first resolution, S.J. Res. 9, expresses disapproval of a final rule that protects from extinction the lesser prairie-chicken, whose habitat includes southeastern Colorado, western Kansas, eastern New Mexico, western Oklahoma, and the Texas Panhandle. The second resolution, S.J. Res. 24, expresses disapproval of a final rule that protects the northern long-eared bat from extinction. Both of these resolutions undermine the Endangered Species Act, which has been the backbone for wildlife conservation for 50 years. I voted against both of these resolutions, but they passed the House largely along party lines.
These were the final votes for the month of July, and Congress has now recessed until after Labor Day.
As a reminder, you can always find a list of all of the votes I have taken for the district on my website.