There were several important issues before the House this week. As usual, we started the week with bipartisan votes under suspension of the Rules, including the Enhancing Detection of Human Trafficking Act, (H.R. 443), a bill to require the Department of Labor (DOL) to train its employees on how to identify human trafficking and refer potential cases to law enforcement. I voted for this legislation, which passed by a vote of 407-0.
We returned to Washington this week knowing that the House would consider a partisan and unsupported resolution to impeach Secretary of Homeland Security Alejandro Mayorkas (H.Res. 863). As you know, I have considered multiple impeachments during my tenure in the House. The effort to impeach Secretary Mayorkas represents a dramatic departure from more than two centuries of established precedent about the proper exercise of the extraordinary tool of the Impeachment Clause of the Constitution. Contrary to the resolution’s charges, there is not shred of evidence that Secretary Mayorkas has committed high crimes or misdemeanors. The evidence shows he has performed his duties in good faith. Impeachment is not the remedy for policy disagreements—especially where, as here, they are brought in bad faith. This bill failed to pass the House by a vote of 216-214, with three Republicans joining all Democrats in opposing and voting against impeachment.
It was particularly ironic because, at the same time that House Republicans advanced the impeachment resolution claiming that Secretary Mayorkas failed to secure the border, House Republicans rejected unilaterally a bipartisan compromise bill months in the making that was released last Sunday evening. You may have seen this in the news.
Since October, President Biden has requested, and I have supported, emergency funding for pressing national security needs, including assistance for our allies Ukraine and Israel, and for humanitarian aid in Gaza and around the world. Republicans insisted that this emergency funding bill include not only the border security funding that the President requested but also policy changes at the border. This week, as soon as the Senate announced a bipartisan agreement to accomplish these national security objectives and in advance of the anticipated Senate vote on this compromise bill, House Republicans announced they would not even consider it.
Instead, we witnessed a cynical political effort to advance a different bill for transparent political purposes: the Israel Security Supplemental Appropriations Act, 2024, (H.R. 6126), which the House considered on Tuesday. By separating national security funding for our allies and eliminating humanitarian assistance to vulnerable populations, including the Palestinian and Israeli civilians impacted by the violence of war, this bill failed to meet the moment and the needs of our allies who are waiting on us to act while tyrants and terrorists around the world are watching what we do.
I have and will continue to support efforts to provide security assistance to Israel and humanitarian assistance to those suffering and in harm’s way in Israel, in Gaza, and in the region. The partisan bill advanced in the House, however, undermines the longstanding, bipartisan support Israel has received in Congress. It undermines our national security and, by failing to provide funding for humanitarian assistance in the Middle East, undermines efforts for resolution and long-term peace in the region. For these reasons, I voted no.
This is not the time for these partisan political games. The world needs the leadership of the United States. Our allies need reliable assistance. And the American people need a Congress as serious as the moment we are living in.
I am glad to report that the Senate has now voted to consider comprehensive legislation that addresses our national security interests in the Middle East, Eastern Europe, and the Indo-Pacific region. House Democratic Leader Hakeem Jeffries has announced that House Democrats are prepared to use every available legislative tool to make sure we get this comprehensive national security legislation with vital security and humanitarian assistance across the finish line. I am hopeful we will be able to consider it in the House very soon.
On Wednesday, the House voted on the Protecting Health Care for All Patients Act of 2023 (H.R. 485), a bill to prohibit the use of a cost-effectiveness measure quality adjusted life years (QALYs). While there is well-founded concern that QALYs could be discriminatory against Americans living with disabilities, federal law already prohibits Medicare from using QALYs in its coverage determinations and state Medicaid programs are required by law to cover all drugs. The Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) explicitly banned the use of discriminatory cost-effectiveness measures.
The bill presented this week includes language that would ban the use of any value measures by the federal government. These measures are critical for federal agencies such as the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) and the Department of Veterans Affairs (VA), to negotiate fair prices for prescription drugs. When this bill was in front of the Energy and Commerce Committee, I supported a proposed amendment to the legislation to clarify the intent of the bill and make clear that nondiscriminatory measures of value are permissible, but the majority on the committee rejected that amendment.
The nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office estimated that, if enacted, the bill would not only increase drug prices across federal health programs, it would also increase federal spending by $1.1 billion over the next ten years by eliminating an important tool to manage drug prices. In order to pay for this bill, Republicans proposed devastating cuts to the Affordable Care Act’s Prevention and Public Health Fund. This funding goes to our state and local health departments to improve public health and prevent chronic diseases. Cuts to funding for this important public health program harm the very people proponents claim this bill it protects. For these reasons I offered a Motion to Recommit, which is a legislative tool that allows the minority to offer a last-minute amendment to a bill on the floor and send it back to committee for consideration.